Obama Tells World of Gukurahundi Massacres

US President Barack Obama has waded into ongoing efforts by the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) by reminding the world of the “systematic murder of many thousands of people” in Matabeleland in the 1980s.

President Obama was speaking at the Robert F Kennedy Human Rights Award ceremony, in the East Room of the White House in Washington on November 23 where the 2009 award was presented to Bulawayo raised Zimbabwean human rights activist Magodonga Mahlangu and Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA), represented by co-founder Jenni Williams.
“As a young girl raised in Matabeleland — in the Matabeleland region of Zimbabwe in the early 1980s, Magodonga witnessed the — Gukurahundi massacres — the systematic murder of many thousands of people, including her uncle and several cousins — many of whom were buried in mass graves that they’d been forced to dig themselves,” President Obama said.

On the 20th October 2009, ZAPU’s Europe province wrote and requested that Professor Nowak includes as part of his terms of reference; the investigation into the Gukurahundi atrocities committed by Robert Mugabe and the ZANU led government in the Matabeleland and Midlands provinces of Zimbabwe between 1982 and 1987. This was in the context of his visit to Zimbabwe (28 October 2009 – 4 November 2009). Sadly but not surprisingly, The ZANU PF and MDC government of national unity refused Professor Nowak entry into Zimbabwe to carry out these investigations.
In 1982, Robert Mugabe and ZANU PF, in pursuit of a one party state sought help from North Korea who trained the brutal 5th brigade. In 1983, this notorious brigade was deployed in Midlands and Matabeleland in an operation code named Gukurahundi (a word meaning rains or floods that wipe away rubbish in the Shona language).
Many analysts and those close to the operations at the time confirmed that there was a plan to wipe out all the ZAPU supporters, most of whom were uMthwakazi or isiNdebele speakers.
For about five years, the 5 Brigade massacred innocent civilians using the propaganda excuse that there had been insurgency in the ZAPU strongholds. Leaders Dr Dumiso Dabengwa, Lt Gen Lookout Masuku and others were arrested on trumped up charges of treason. They were acquitted by the Supreme Court in 1983, but were detained for four more years without charge. Lt Gen Masuku died in April 1986 in what many believe to be related to treatment in detention.
More than 20,000 innocent civilian were killed and thousands disappeared. They were buried in mass graves and some thrown in disused mines. Thousands of women and children survivors were rapped and abused.
The Government has repeatedly refused to acknowledge or offer any death certificates for those killed by the 5 Brigade. Many orphans were left with no identities and were thus unable to get education. The Zimbabwean system requires that you bring either parents or death certificates in order to get a birth certificate.
There has never been any compensation for victims and survivors. Many still need counselling to recover from the trauma of what they witnessed at the time.
Most Zimbabweans from other parts of the country also need to be educated about the truth about a genocide done in their name.

Background of ZAPU
ZAPU was formed in 1961. ZAPU is the first political party to fight for democracy, human rights and liberation for all Zimbabweans regardless of tribe, colour or language. We established relations with the British and the rest of the world based on our sound policies under the leadership of the late Dr Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo.
In 1979, ZAPU signed the Lancaster agreement as part of the Patriotic Front leading to Zimbabwe’s independence. In 1980, we joined a Government of National Unity (GNU) but were dismissed in 1982 when Mugabe and ZANU PF started cracking down on our supporters and persecuting our leadership.
After Mugabe killed more than 20,000 of innocent and defenceless civilian ZAPU supporters, the party was forced into a GNU in 1987 for peace. ZAPU pulled out of the Unity Accord on 16th May 2009. We are now the opposition party in Zimbabwe with an important constituency.

Additional reporting: The Zimbabwean

As a Reference, the following is important: (Editor)

Background

During Rhodesian Bush War, the main liberation party, the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU), split into two groups in 1963, the split-away group being named Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU).^[3] Though these groups had a common origin they gradually grew apart, with the split away group, ZANU, recruiting mainly from the Shona regions, while ZAPU recruited mainly from Ndebele-speaking regions in the west.^[4]

The armies of these two groups, ZAPU’s Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA), and ZANU’s Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA), developed rivalries for the support of the people and would fight each other. When Zimbabwe won independence, the two armies so distrusted each other that it was difficult to integrate them both into the National Army.^[4] These problems were not only in Matabeleland, but throughout the country. For example: former ZANLA elements attacked civilian areas in Mutoko, Mount Darwin and Gutu. It seemed both sides had hidden weapons. There were major outbreaks of violence between ZIPRA and ZANLA awaiting integration into the National Army. The first of these was in November 1980, followed by a more serious incident in early 1981. This led to the defection of many ZIPRA members. It was thought that ZAPU was supporting a new dissident war in order to improve its position in Zimbabwe. In the elections held in April 1980, ZANU-PF received 57 out of 100 seats and Robert Mugabe became prime minister.^[2]

First Entumbane uprising

In November 1980 Enos Nkala made remarks at a rally in Bulawayo, in which he warned ZAPU that ZANU would deliver a few blows against them. This started the first Entumbane uprising, in which ZIPRA and ZANLA fought a pitched battle for two days.^[5]

In February 1981 there was a second uprising, which spread to Glenville and also to Connemara in the Midlands. ZIPRA troops in other parts of Matabeleland headed for Bulawayo to join the battle, and ex-Rhodesian units had to come in to stop the fighting. Over 30000 people were killed.

The government asked Justice Enoch Dumbutshena, the former Chief Justice of Zimbabwe, to hold an inquiry into the uprising – to date the findings and report have never been released.

Many ZIPRA cadres defected after Entumbane, mainly because they were afraid of staying in the army, as they felt some of their colleagues were disappearing mysteriously. They were also annoyed because they felt ZANLA cadres were being favoured for promotion. It was these issues rather than any clear political policy, which caused them to leave the army, taking their guns with them.^[4]

1982

This situation became worse after the finding of arms caches in February 1982. ZANU now openly accused ZAPU of plotting another war and ZAPU leaders were arrested or removed from cabinet. However, the treason trial in 1982 involving Dumiso Dabengwa, Lookout Masuku and four others failed to prove a case against them. All were released although Dabengwa and Masuku were redetained without trial for four years. Possibly thousands of ex-ZIPRA cadres deserted the army after this. Most of them now claim that they saw this as necessary to stay alive. With their leaders all locked up or in exile, they felt there was nobody to protect them within the army. “We were threatened, that was why I decided to desert,” said one dissident.^[4]

Zimbabwe’s government explained that it had no other option except to restore order. Only after an armed assault on Mugabe’s home, attacks on military and police outposts, the abduction of tourists, and the destruction of infrastructure did the government send troops to restore order. It was believed that ZAPU dissidents would not recognize any government not headed by Nkomo.^[6]

South African Interference

As countries in southern Africa began to gain their independence starting in 1975, the apartheid regime in South Africa increased its policy of destabilizing these countries. South African intervention included the systematic supply of disinformation to the Zimbabwe Government. In addition, there were military attacks on the government and on the country’s infrastructure. Many ex-members of the Rhodesian armed forces and police became integrated into South Africa’s military. Aggression by South Africans in Zimbabwe included the destruction of a large arsenal at Inkomo Barracks near Harare in August 1981, an attempt to murder Prime Minister Mugabe in December 1981, and sabotage of the Thornhill Air Base in Gweru in July 1982. South Africa’s policy of destabilizing Zimbabwe by military means, while blaming ZAPU for the actions of South African agents, helped to escalate the breakdown between ZAPU and ZANU in the early 1980s. This in turn led Zimbabwe to retain a state of emergency throughout the 1980s.^[2]

Super ZAPU was a group of South African backed dissidents. South Africa provided ammunition for Super ZAPU. Super ZAPU was directly responsible for the murder of white farmers in southern Matabeleland.

Fifth Brigade

Robert Mugabe, then Prime Minister, had signed an agreement with North Korean President Kim Il Sung in October 1980 to have the North Korean military train a brigade for the Zimbabwean army. This was soon after Mugabe had announced the need for a militia to “combat malcontents.” Mugabe replied by saying dissidents should “watch out,” announcing the brigade would be called “Gukurahundi.”^[1] This brigade was named the Fifth Brigade. The members of the Fifth Brigade were drawn from 3500 ex-ZANLA troops at Tongogara Assembly Point, named after Josiah Tongogara, the ZANLA general. There were a few ZIPRA (ZAPU) troops in the unit for a start, but they were withdrawn before the end of the training. The training of 5 Brigade lasted until September 1982, when Minister Sekeramayi announced training was complete.

The first Commander of the Fifth Brigade was Colonel Perence Shiri. The Fifth Brigade was different from all other Zimbabwean army units in that it was directly subordinated to the Prime Minister office, and not integrated to the normal army command structures. Their codes, uniforms, radios and equipment were not compatible with other army units. Their most distinguishing feature in the field was their red berets.^[4]

Conflict

Most of the dead were shot in public executions, often after being forced to dig their own graves in front of family and fellow villagers. The largest number of dead in a single killing was on 5 March 1983, when 62 young men and women were shot on the banks of the Cewale River, Lupane.^[7] Seven survived with gunshot wounds, the other 55 died. Another way 5 Brigade used to kill large groups of people was to burn them alive in huts. They did this in Tsholotsho and also in Lupane. They would routinely round up dozens, or even hundreds, of civilians and march them at gun point to a central place, like a school or bore-hole. There they would be forced to sing Shona songs praising ZANU, at the same time being beaten with sticks. These gatherings usually ended with public executions. Those killed could be ex-ZIPRAs, ZAPU officials, or anybody chosen at random. The Zimbabwe government repuditated these allegations and accused the hostile foreign press of fabricating stories. The government characterized such allegations as irresponsible, contrived propaganda because it failed to give proper weight to the violence by dissidents. ^[8]

Dissidents murdered civilians on commercial farms and communal areas. Those murdered were regarded as “sell-outs”. The dissidents targeted ZANU officials. It is estimated that 7000-8000 people were murdered by dissident gangs in rural regions.^[2]In August 1985, dissidents massacred 22 Shona civilians in Mwenezi. On a mission farm in Matobo, dissidents massacred 16 people. ^[9]

Unity Accord of 1987

Mugabe and ZAPU leader Joshua Nkomo signed the Unity Accord on December 22, 1987.^[10] This effectively dissolved ZAPU into ZANU, renamed ZANU-PF. On 18 April 1988, Mugabe announced an amnesty for all dissidents, and Nkomo called on them to lay down their arms. A general ordinance was issued saying all those who surrendered before 31 May would get a full pardon. This was extended not just to dissidents but to criminals of various types serving jail terms. Over the next few weeks, 122 dissidents surrendered.

In June the amnesty was extended to include all members of the security forces who had committed human rights violations.

In the 1990s the disturbances were finally at an end. This brought relief nation-wide, but in parts of the country it has left behind many problems that remain unsolved to this day. These include poor health, poverty, practical and legal problems and a deep-rooted suspicion of Government officials.

References

Some of the material here is drawn from a report compiled by the Legal Resources Foundation (LRF) and the Catholic commission for justice and peace in zimbabwe (CCJP) entitled Breaking the Silence, Building True Peace. A report on the disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980–1989.

Notes

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Posted by Sakhile Malaba on November 25, 2009. Filed under Main Headline. You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0. Both comments and pings are currently closed.